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Why Does Russia Lie About Poland?

Od kilkunastu lat na przełomie sierpnia i września w rosyjskich mediach dzieje się ciągle to samo: powiela się systematycznie kłamstwo o udziale Polski w wybuchu II wojny światowej.

For over a decade, at the turn of August and September, Russian media have perpetuated a false narrative: the assertion that Poland played a role in the outbreak of World War II. It is highly likely that Vladimir Putin himself initiated this campaign to falsely suggest Poland’s involvement in triggering the war.

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Russian propaganda claims that Poland allegedly sabotaged efforts to form an anti-German coalition. It asserts that Poland rejected cooperation with the USSR against Germany in 1939, thereby supposedly contributing to the war’s outbreak. Furthermore, Russia criticises Poland’s alliance with Germany in the 1930s and the signing of the Polish-German Non-Aggression Pact in 1934, using it as evidence of alleged collaboration with Nazi Germany. Additionally,

Russia accuses Poland of persecuting national minorities, particularly Ukrainians, Belarusians, and Jews, implying that this justified the Soviet invasion on September 17, 1939. Poland is also accused of seeking to partition Czechoslovakia in 1938, with Russia highlighting Poland’s annexation of the Zaolzie region following the Munich Agreement, suggesting that Poland acted as an aggressor. Putin has repeatedly made these claims in public, citing documents and presenting himself as a historian. However, his statements blaming Poland for the war have been widely condemned by historians and governments worldwide, including Poland’s.

In reality, Poland could not agree to Soviet assistance, as it would have meant the Soviet occupation of its eastern territories. The Polish-German Non- Aggression Pact was not aimed at the USSR; it was a standard diplomatic agreement, akin to the earlier Soviet-German Treaty of Berlin (1926). Poland was not a party to the Munich Agreement. On September 17, 1939, it was the USSR that invaded Poland in coordination with Hitler, violating international law.

It is also important to remember that the USSR was preparing for an offensive war in 1942–1943. Hitler’s attack on the USSR on June 22, 1941, preempted a potential Soviet assault, as Stalin had planned to attack war- weakened Germany in 1942. This was the strategic purpose of the Molotov- Ribbentrop Pact, signed on August 23, 1939, by Joachim von Ribbentrop, Germany’s foreign minister, and Vyacheslav Molotov, the Soviet foreign minister. This pact was officially a non-aggression agreement between Germany and the USSR, but it included a secret additional protocol that divided Central and Eastern Europe into spheres of influence. Based on this agreement, both countries invaded Poland in September 1939, and the USSR later annexed the Baltic states and parts of Romania.

Putin’s false narrative about Poland’s responsibility for World War II intensified in August and September 2017, coinciding with the anniversaries of Nazi Germany’s attack on Poland and the start of World War II on September 1, 1939, as well as the Soviet invasion on September 17, 1939. In his speeches, Putin falsely suggested that Poland was partly to blame for the war, pointing to its diplomatic actions in the 1930s and lying that it had maintained good relations with Nazi Germany.

He emphasized that Poland had been Hitler’s accomplice before the war, referring to the brief but controversial Polish-German agreement over Zaolzie in 1938.1

However, the most controversial statements emerged in December 2019. During a series of meetings and public speeches, Putin claimed that Poland was complicit in starting the war. On December 19, 2019, at a press conference with Russian and foreign journalists, he commented on the European Parliament’s resolution on the importance of historical memory, stating: “Totalitarianism is never a good thing. I am aware of the European Parliament’s decision, but comparing the Soviet Union to Nazi Germany is the height of cynicism.” He further claimed: “The Soviet army entered Poland on September 17 because the Polish government had lost control over its armed forces.”

Particular attention was drawn to his speech at the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) summit in St. Petersburg on December 20, 2019. There, he accused Poland of conspiring with Adolf Hitler and of being antisemitic. Putin cited archival documents and claimed that the Polish ambassador to Berlin, Józef Lipski, had supported Hitler’s plans regarding Jews in 1938—something Putin called “scandalous.” He also argued that Poland sought territorial gains at Czechoslovakia’s expense during the Munich crisis of 1938, supposedly proving Polish cooperation with Nazi Germany. None of these claims are based on historical facts; they are simply Kremlin and Putin’s propaganda.

On February 8, 2024, in an interview with American journalist Tucker Carlson, Vladimir Putin again accused Poland of collaborating with Hitler. As “evidence,” he pointed to Poland’s role in the partition of Czechoslovakia. According to Putin, World War II began because Hitler wanted something in return from the Poles—specifically, the Danzig Corridor. He falsely claimed that Poland refused to compromise, which led to Hitler’s attack, making Poland a victim of “the same policy it had pursued toward Czechoslovakia.

Naryshkin’s Disinformation

 Sergei Naryshkin, head of Russian foreign intelligence since 2016 and chairman of the Russian Historical Society, has echoed similar false claims. On February 13, 2020, he appeared on the TV program X-Files, broadcast by Russia’s Ministry of Defense-funded Zvezda television. Naryshkin falsely argued that the signing of the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact on August 23, 1939, was imposed upon the USSR. According to him, this agreement granted the country two years of peace, during which significant progress was made in bolstering national defence and military capabilities. While discussing the pact, Naryshkin stressed the importance of recalling the events that led to its signing. He inaccurately claimed that Western European nations, particularly the United Kingdom and France, had facilitated Nazi Germany’s development of a formidable military and industrial complex. Furthermore, he characterised the stance of Western nations during the Spanish Civil War as one of “pro-Nazi neutrality.” Naryshkin also accused France and Britain of inaction during the negotiations in August 1939, when the USSR sought to establish an alliance with them.

Naryshkin lied, claiming that Poland was a silent accomplice of Nazi Germany. Soviet foreign intelligence provided the country’s leadership with detailed information about developments within the governments of Germany, the UK, France, and Poland. Intelligence reports were thorough and regular. The Soviet leadership recognised the full cynicism and, I would even say, the baseness of the Western appeasement policy, which effectively pushed Nazi Germany eastward. It is crucial to remember that Poland was one of the first countries to sign a non-aggression treaty, which occurred in 1934. Interestingly, this treaty included a secret annex stipulating that if Germany engaged in aggression against another country, Poland would maintain a stance of neutrality. This suggests that, in reality, Poland became a silent accomplice of the aggressor as early as 1934.”

The claim of a supposed secret annex to the 1934 German-Polish Non- Aggression Pact has been a recurring theme in Russian media for years. This narrative was significantly amplified by the Russian film “Secrets of Secret Protocols,” released in 2009, just prior to the 70th anniversary of the Molotov- Ribbentrop Pact. The film propagated various falsehoods that have since been echoed in Russian propaganda, including the misleading idea that the Molotov- Ribbentrop Pact was a justified response by the USSR to perceived threats from the West.

Historical Truth

In truth, no secret agreement was attached to the Polish-German non-aggression declaration, and there is no evidence to support its existence. It is also important to highlight a fact that the Russian narrative conveniently overlooks: Poland had signed a non-aggression pact with the USSR in 1932, which it upheld until the Soviet invasion of Poland on September 17, 1939. Additionally, Poland’s non- aggression pact with Germany was part of a broader strategy to maintain balance, especially after Germany withdrew from the League of Nations in 1933, effectively nullifying its previous peace assurances.

World War II commenced with Nazi Germany’s invasion of Poland on September 1, 1939, followed by the Soviet Union’s invasion of eastern Poland on September 17, 1939, as outlined in the secret protocol of the Molotov- Ribbentrop Pact. Without Stalin and Hitler’s collaboration, the war would not have unfolded as it did. Claims made by Putin and his propagandists have faced widespread condemnation from international historians and political leaders. The historical consensus is unequivocal: the immediate causes of World War II were Nazi Germany’s aggression on September 1, 1939, and the subsequent Soviet invasion of Poland on September 17, 1939. Poland was a victim of aggression from both sides, and any assertions that it bore responsibility for the war’s outbreak are seen as deliberate distortions of historical reality.

Hidden Agendas

 To comprehend the motivations behind these unfounded accusations, one must consider their practical implications. By attributing the responsibility for the outbreak of World War II to Poland, Putin and his propaganda apparatus achieve several interconnected objectives. This is not merely an effort to distort history and obscure the war’s true causes; rather, it reflects Putin’s disregard for historical accuracy in favour of advancing the Kremlin’s current political agenda. History becomes a tool for contemporary politics, continuously reshaped to meet political needs.

Putin’s allegations against Poland are part of an ongoing propaganda campaign by the Kremlin aimed at rewriting history and promoting a narrative that justifies Russia’s actions on the international stage. These claims are often viewed as part of a broader strategy to rehabilitate the Soviet Union’s role in World War II and to challenge the Western interpretation of historical events.

Putin has always claimed that the USSR signed the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact with Germany to reclaim historical territories, suggesting that Poland was rewarded with German lands and access to the Baltic Sea after the war.Such statements also serve to inflame nationalist sentiments within Russia. Putin’s assertions are treated as unquestionable truths, and adherence to them is viewed as a measure of Russian patriotism. Criticism of Russia—whether under Tsarist or Communist rule—is deemed unacceptable. It is through the media that this notion is ingrained in the minds of the Russian populace. Furthermore, Putin and his propaganda efforts aim to undermine the current policies of Poland and other Central and Eastern European nations that adopt a critical stance towards Russia’s actions on the global stage.

By distorting the Soviet Union’s role in the outbreak of World War II, Russia seeks to challenge the independent positions of former Eastern Bloc countries within the European Union. Poland, in particular, is often depicted as a nation fostering Russophobia.

Consequently, Russian fabrications and absurd accusations should not be taken seriously. Engaging in debate over them is futile; they ought to be dismissed and ridiculed. Attempting to persuade Russians that Poland did not initiate World War II is akin to speaking to a brick wall.

Marek Melnyk

1 Zaolzie is the historical name for a region of Cieszyn Silesia situated on the Czech side of the Olza River. This area became a point of contention between Poland and Czechoslovakia following World War I and was ultimately divided in 1920. After the fall of Austria-Hungary, both nations claimed Cieszyn Silesia because of its strategic importance, which included the Kraków–Vienna railway line and a significant coal industry. On 5 November 1918, local Polish and Czech authorities reached a temporary agreement regarding the division of the region. However, on 23 January 1919, Czechoslovak troops launched an offensive and occupied most of the disputed territory. On 28 July 1920, the Entente’s Council of Ambassadors formalised the division of Cieszyn Silesia based on the decisions made at the Spa Conference. Zaolzie was assigned to Czechoslovakia, despite the fact that the majority of its residents were Polish. Poland received a smaller portion of the region, which was viewed as an unfavourable and unjust outcome. On 30 September 1938, following the Munich Conference, Poland issued an ultimatum to the Czechoslovak government, demanding the immediate transfer of Zaolzie.

Under pressure from Germany and feeling isolated, Czechoslovakia acquiesced. Polish troops occupied Zaolzie on 2 October 1938, entering and annexing the territory without military conflict. Additionally, Poland took control of regions in Spiš and Orava. Poland acted independently, without any formal agreement with Germany. There was no treaty concerning Zaolzie between the two nations, nor is there evidence that Poland coordinated its actions with Germany. Hitler was displeased with Poland’s unilateral actions, as he had anticipated collaboration from Warsaw in further partitioning Czechoslovakia. However, Poland rejected Germany’s alliance proposals. The annexation of Zaolzie was a Polish government initiative aimed at reclaiming territories lost in 1920. Poland’s actions were motivated by territorial claims rather than cooperation with Hitler. In fact, Poland and Germany had conflicting interests in Central and Eastern Europe, ultimately contributing to the outbreak of war in 1939.

For further reading, see:

  • Wnętrzak: Political and National Relations on the Border of Cieszyn Silesia and Western Galicia in the Years 1897–1920, Toruń, 2014.
  • Cieszyn Silesia in the Years 1918–1945, I. Panic, Cieszyn, 2015.
  • Munich 1938: Polish Diplomatic Documents, selected and edited by Landau and J. Tomaszewski, Warsaw, 1985.
  • Lukeš, E. Goldstein, The Munich Crisis, 1938: Prelude to World War II, Routledge, 1999.

 

 

 

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